Wednesday, January 14, 2015

Regional Roads: Examples of Potential Regional Roads Concepts (Part 3)

Four examples here can demonstrate how regionalization could help solve complex transportation issues that have not been easily resolved by other means.  Northern Virginia, Hampton Roads and Metro Atlanta all have been competing heavily for transportation funds with their surrounding states while the fragmentation of government in the region has made it very difficult to adequately raise revenues for region-specific projects as well as not providing an adequately maintained road system due to widely varying priorities and poor economies of scale.  A similar problem exists with township roads in New England, which is also discussed here.  While New England lacks as much in the way of regional competition, what they do have is the severe fragmentation that lowers the standards and raises costs for residents of those states.  These systems need to be unified, but in no case has the state been a good partner to these areas.  Here I will describe each possible regional scenario:

NORTHERN VIRGINIA


Northern Virginia is one of the fastest growing and most populous portions of Virginia.  With a collective population of around 2,000,000 it shares an equivalent population to the entire state of West Virginia.  The region has also suffered from working with a state who assumed control of county roads in all but one county over 80 years ago.  When the Byrd Road Act took responsibility for county roads in Loudoun, Fairfax and Prince William Counties, all were very rural areas with few paved roads and little need for local control.  Since then the roads have not kept up with traffic demands with rough pavement, lack of intersection upgrades and substandard roadway designs choking traffic throughout the entire region.  Northern Virginia desperately needs to invest in a modernization of the road system, but local governments have a disincentive to invest heavily in the roads when the funding can be transferred elsewhere in the state and funding is held by the state capitol instead of within the region.  In addition, local option funding has been severely limited by the state government.  What works for rural Virginia is not working so well for this area.

However, legislation passed in 2012 already has developed a framework to give Northern Virginia more autonomy for road improvements through the Northern Virginia Transportation Authority.  This agency has its own taxing powers and plans road and transit improvements specifically for the region.  In all, it appears to be a big step in the direction of regional control of roads, but at present the region has otherwise maintained their current structure of state control of roads in all but Arlington County and local control of municipal streets in all but Clifton.  Nonetheless, in the past 15 years the push for local control has popped up periodically: especially with Fairfax County.  Fairfax County carries the largest percentage of the population with over 1,000,000 residents.  Such a county is financially capable of maintaining their own road system, but the issues stretch beyond Fairfax County including several independent cities.  Arlington County also has more financial flexibility due to never giving their roads to VDOT.  While county-owned roads would probably work, it would be better if the entire region functioned as a single unit keeping the same road structure that VDOT has currently but operating it out of Northern Virginia exclusively instead of Richmond.  Because independent cities exist in this region, they would either have to be opted out or the "engineering district" model would have to be adapted basically centralizing engineering among the various road agencies along with shared traffic control.  It should also be noted that Northern Virginia's regional transportation authority matches the boundaries of the regional planning commission.

Northern Virginia, however, works largely as a unit on many things.  They also share in the cost of the transit systems and even park systems.  Northern Virginia is also in a unique position in that it does NOT have existing county road networks except in Arlington County.  This means that a transfer of state authority to a regional authority would be a far simpler process than in other states.  Instead of combining different employees and approaches, they would roll over the existing VDOT regional offices into a Northern Virginia DOT thus instantly gaining power as a state within a state.  Fairfax, Loudoun, Prince William and Arlington Counties could collectively control the regions roads instead of each county separately allowing them to pool resources and define projects independent of the state.  Instead of primary and secondary state roads all owned and maintained by VDOT, primary roads would be owned by the state and maintained by the region and secondary roads would become regional roads owned and maintained solely by the regional DOT.

It should be noted, however, that the Byrd Road Act has a flaw in that it did not include cities in the plan.  While some towns in the region already have their roads contracted to VDOT, cities in the region are in a reverse position.  The cities of Alexandria, Manassas, Manassas Park and Fairfax are all required to not only maintain their own roads but also the non-expressway state roads within their cities.  Manassas Park in particular has suffered from a lack of adequate funding and maintenance problems due to not being able to combine forces with anyone for roads as well as being required to maintain primary routes.  With a new regional DOT, the rules need to be changed allowing all cities and towns to give part or all road maintenance to the regional system regardless of population.  This rule change is also needed for the next area of interest.

HAMPTON ROADS


Hampton Roads is probably one of the most unique transportation regions in the country.  This is because Virginia's requirement that cities are independent of counties has led to the disappearance of counties around Hampton Roads resulting in a solid cluster of independent cities instead of one larger city.  Because VDOT is not allowing non-expressway state roads in the region to be maintained by VDOT, this means that each city is responsible for most every road in the region including some expressways.  However, each city also works independently of each other with widely varying road standards that in most cases are all below VDOT specifications specifically in the area of safety improvements.  Four counties (Gloucester, York, James City and Isle of Wight) also exist in the region, and of those one of those was in talks to take over their county roads due to their proximity to the nine cities that make up Hampton Roads bringing the population total to 1.7 million.  James City County has also recently been in discussions with VDOT to take back their county road system.

Clearly the roadway situation in Hampton Roads is dysfunctional and it sets a bad precedent for the rest of the state.  The independent city structure should not prevent cities from seeking a means of providing a regional road delivery structure.  Like Northern Virginia, Hampton Roads also has a regional transportation planning organization.  The entire planning commission area also covers two more counties: Southampton and Surry.  Since each city and county is already consolidated, it once again makes sense to create a unified road structure that includes the entire region.  Because of the highly urbanized population and higher level of local control, however, it might also make sense to place a regional agency in charge of major roads in lieu of every cul-de-sac like VDOT does.  Essentially the existing regional transportation planning organization would create a DOT to take over all expressways, collector and arterial roadways in the cities from both VDOT and the cities respectively.  In the five counties in the region, the regional DOT would also assume control of all remaining secondary roads from VDOT in the six counties of the region similar to what is proposed for Northern Virginia.  However, all of these counties should also be given the option to stay with VDOT if they choose considering that the region will still have adequate population even without them.  In the independent cities, the roads would be divided into three tiers: primary (maintained by the region), regional (main roads owned and maintained by the region) and city (other streets).  Traffic control should be handled by the regional cooperative on all roads in the region even if certain streets are otherwise maintained by the cities.

If both Hampton Roads and Northern Virginia broke away from VDOT to form their own "state within a state" regional DOT's it would help correct the power struggle between these regions and Richmond.  With separate DOT's formed, the state's road budget could then be cleanly divided with a guaranteed ratio going to Northern Virginia, a guaranteed ratio going to Hampton Roads and the rest of the state no longer competing with these regions for funds.  With a regional structure, the two separate regions could also raise revenues on their own without involving VDOT.  It would also help VDOT to preserve the Byrd Road Act since the rest of the state is primarily rural and functions better with the current system.  However, that does not mean that a successful regionalization of Hampton Roads and Northern Virginia could not also be applied in the rest of the state based on the population thresholds described in this proposal.  In fact, all other secondary roads in Virginia could either be divided up into planning districts or divorced from VDOT into a Virginia Rural Roads Commission that maintains secondary roads jointly across all of rural Virginia.

METRO ATLANTA


The original 10-county Atlanta Metropolitan Area is highlighted in blue.  Today that covers 30+ counties.

The story with Metro Atlanta in some ways parallels Northern Virginia, but is actually quite different.  Georgia, unlike Virginia, has not embraced collective maintenance of roads either regionally or through the state.  Georgia also does not have independent cities, so every city is part of a county and has to share revenues with the county they are in.  The state actually relies strongly on local governments to plan, construct and maintain roads with limited state funding or involvement.  Metro Atlanta is also very fragmented with Fulton County in particular now largely completely divided into municipalities that resemble townships.  Dekalb and Gwinnett Counties seem to be following a similar course with new cities replacing large swaths of unincorporated suburban towns.  With relatively high populations, the seizure of local control from high population counties makes sense, but in terms of transportation policy is neither cost-efficient nor beneficial.  Road connectivity remains poor across Metro Atlanta and roadway standards vary widely from county to county and city to city.  The state road network is also simply too small with antiquated highway routings only causing confusion and thus worsening congestion in the region.  The state road network as it stands also does not provide any real benefit to the traveling public outside of the interstates since most surface state routes are not as well-maintained as in other parts of the state.  GDOT also remains firm in not taking over any new roads despite the explosion of roadway and lane miles throughout the region.  Cobb County in particular has the lowest ratio of state control of any county in the state with only 4% under state control when the state average is 15%.  However, the City of Atlanta has an unusually high ratio of state controlled roads likely due to the inability to fund these roads adequately on their own.  Nonetheless, this high level of state responsibility in city of Atlanta offers no benefit since the state does not do a good job maintaining these minor surface state roads while the city is adequately equipped to handle that responsibility.

Once again, a regional plan should be considered here.  The state of Georgia just recently surpassed the 10,000,000 mark on population.  Of that population, 40% or 4,000,000 reside within just the 10 county territory represented by the Atlanta Regional Commission forming the original boundaries of Metro Atlanta.  In the wider metro area, the population climbs to 5.7 million or 57% of the state's population!  The region alone has a population slightly larger than Maryland.  This means that the Atlanta Regional Commission could successfully operate their own regional DOT completely separate from GDOT with more than adequate funding to do so.  Adding Polk County, which itself is a micropolitan statistical area, brings the population to 5.8 million.  For sure it is an excellent place to start in the development of a regional highway system.  Of the larger metro area, 12 counties have populations under 50,000 residents meaning that they would greatly benefit from the centralization of the region's road system to a Greater Atlanta system.  These 12 counties would ultimately turn all routine maintenance over to the region saving those taxpayers money and improving the standards in those rural counties.  The larger counties, by comparison, would be able to do more with less by transferring the major highways in the region to the region itself.  If nothing else, developing a regional road system in all of Metro Atlanta could help spearhead these outlying counties to break away and form regional partnerships with other rural counties in their respective planning regions.  In fact, four separate planning regions make up 20 of the 30 counties in Greater Metro Atlanta, and if those broke away into their proper planning regions they would instantly have populations sufficient to begin recruiting other counties in their regions to join them.  As a result, one regional DOT would ultimately evolve into five regions and would hopefully spearhead further development of the other seven south of Atlanta.

By creating a regional DOT for Metro Atlanta, the region could right-size the road system in relation to the rest of the state.  While the four core metro counties are theoretically more than capable of taking care of their own roads, the reality of the incorporation of those counties coupled with the higher costs to maintain these road networks separately is not really working as well as it would appear.  The regional system would help create greater efficiency through direct responsibility of at least 25%-30% of the road system and an additional limited responsibility for the 12 smaller counties.  This would also help Cobb, Fulton, Gwinnett and DeKalb, all counties with very large road systems, to focus more on the construction and maintenance of truly local roads while some of the municipalities in the region that are too small to adequately manage road networks on their own such as Chattahoochee Hills, Hapeville and Mountain Park would have the option to use regional forces entirely when state forces never previously were available to them.

CONNECTICUT

New England is a complicated situation.  Taxes are high and roads are rough in a region of the country familiar with harsh winters and a form of government not embraced by much of the country: townships.  Nowhere in the country do townships have more power than New England where counties have essentially been deactivated.  In fact, no piece of property is not part of a small municipality in New England.  While the town form of government, a relic of Colonial times, has been helpful at keeping government close to the people it has resulted in ridiculously low road standards and higher costs throughout New England due to the very highly fragmented nature of townships.

Regionalization in New England is something that does not have to be as complicated as in parts of the South and Midwest.  In many cases just placing main roads under the authority of the county would greatly improve the quality of roads in the region while allowing New England states to downsize their typically larger state route systems.  While Maine is not a really good case for this plan due to its low population and high ratio of state control, states like New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island should truly pursue the creation of either county road systems simply for the purpose of bringing more roadways up to proper specifications or create road districts based on regional planning districts or county lines.

However, the specific example being used here is Connecticut.  With only 8 counties the state could run a very efficient road operation if municipalities were laid out like most states and counties were fully functional.  Regardless, Connecticut splits the pie very thin among 164 different townships.  In no way is it cost efficient or financially viable for 164 different townships to have their very own street department doing exactly the same job on just a few roads that the next township over also does.  This makes costs very high for local government as a whole and not just for roads, and very few of these municipalities could afford to have anything remotely like a traffic operations unit to manage traffic control.  The lack of any state involvement in the maintenance of township roads also does not help.  Since these are municipalities, it is also typically more difficult for a state to have any authority compared to a county.  Compare this to Maryland where most counties have similar populations to Connecticut.  Maryland's county roads are typically far better maintained simply due to maintaining a county structure for road maintenance despite a very high population.  A typical Maryland county has a population of over 100,000 residents with few municipalities.  Thus, counties in Maryland operate at a far higher level due to the lack of incorporated municipalities carving up the funding pie.


This map of Connecticut shows how using counties instead of townships as a form of "regionalization" for road maintenance could be far more efficient and produce a far better road system.  Nearly every county in Connecticut has at least 150,000 residents meaning eight very well-maintained county road systems instead of 164 poorly maintained township road systems.  (Sourced from ct.gov)

In terms of creating an MSA-based district, the township system may actually be advantageous since it is far easier to carve up districts accurately.  In addition, if every regional road district in Connecticut, for instance, was divided based on 400,000 residents, 9 regional districts could be formed very close to the current number of counties.  Since every county in Connecticut is well over 100,000 residents per county, this means that the regional organizations would simply relieve both the state and the towns of the main roadways.  This would mean that Connecticut could cut their current state-owned ratio in half to about 9% and transfer the remaining connecting roads for a combined total of about 30-40% of the road system.  Low population towns could also simply pay the regional agency to maintain their remaining roads for them meaning huge costs savings for the residents of those towns and a lower tax burden across the state.  This would also free up far more funding for better roadway safety standards and smoother roads.

GEORGIA


NOTE: The map/information below will soon be updated to reflect boundaries based on regional planning commissions (2/17/17)

With the Metro Atlanta map, it is important to also show the whole state including the proposed 28 county region.  Georgia proves that the county model is an unreliable means of giving the best results especially when the population is spread too thin.  With 159 counties, only Texas has more counties but even Texas's counties are much larger than Georgia's micro-counties.  While Georgia avoided the township system, Georgia has not only too many counties but also far too many municipalities carving up the pie.  While the idea for regional roads was born out of a solution for Northern Virginia, it appears it could very well solve the county problem without eliminating a single county in Georgia.


This crudely color-coded map is of the existing planning regions, but is designed to also eventually define the regions of regional road cooperative districts.  Note the total of 12 regions.  Also note Region 9.  Region 9 is barely above the 300,000 threshold and may have to be combined with Region 8 if population of the region drops below that threshold.  All of the other regions have a population of 350,000 or more.  

The average population of all of the regions shown here is 800,000.  This means that there are approximately 12 "states within a state" to work with here in terms of ability to provide state-level transportation standards and maintenance.  However, unless a dedicated statewide funding source is able to supply the lower population regions, it may be necessary to combine Regions 8 and 9 if population of either drops below the 300,000 threshold.  Nonetheless, this is a vast improvement over the current structure.  Region 9 in particular has a population in many counties of only 3,000 in population yet they currently provide all of their own road maintenance.  Note as well how this plan ties the rural counties to population centers in the region allowing improved economies of scale and higher standards in the more populous counties while giving the low population areas access to professional standards and higher purchasing power enjoyed by the more populous counties.

CONCLUSION

Regional road concepts are a means of completely rethinking the role of both states and local governments in terms of road planning, construction and maintenance.  With so many types of regional organizations in place, it is a wonder why the actual process of building and maintaining roads continues to fall largely on very small local jurisdictions across much of the country.  With higher overhead costs and lower overall consistency still an issue today, most counties and municipalities need a better alternative now as much as they did 80 years ago.  However, states are proving to no longer be the best option to address this issue.  Various financial crises are wrecking both centralized road programs in the Mid-Atlantic states and other less centralized road programs across much of the country.  Even the less centralized systems are struggling to finance larger road systems spread across numerous jurisdictions that have all grown larger and more expensive than available funding.  Clearly both structures have outlived their usefulness.

States have also proved that they want to reduce responsibility while counties and cities have shown that it costs more than taxpayers are willing or able to pay to provide a high quality road network.  Since counties and cities have shown an unwillingness to consolidate, and secession of portions of states from larger states for that purpose is unrealistic, the only other solution is to create a means of providing road construction and maintenance on a regional level without actually creating any new jurisdictions.  This is why the regional roads plan has been proposed here as a means of right-sizing road systems keeping maintenance semi-local while improving resources, planning and staff.  It is a win-win for every party.  The state is relieved of significant responsibility, counties and cities are not dumped on them what they cannot afford and tremendous cost savings are realized by all parties involved. With the regional roads plan, no state is too big to provide high standard roads to every county and city.

Return to REGIONAL ROADS: WHY REGIONAL ROADS? See Part 1 >>>>

Return to EXAMPLES OF POTENTIAL REGIONAL ROAD CONCEPTS See Part 2 >>>>

Regional Roads: How the System Works [Part 2]

What is a regional road?  A regional road in terminology means a road that is of regional importance vs. statewide importance.  Think of a region as a larger municipality in one part of a state and the surrounding areas that are economically dependent on it.  In terms of transportation, it means a road that is important to regional traffic demands, but is not important as a statewide through route.  Historically these have been called "farm-to-market roads", but that terminology should be retired due to its antiquated usage.  Most people no longer live on farms nor do they need a simple hard-top road to get their hay and turnips to the general store in town.  Most people now live in cities, and cities aren't farm country.  Nonetheless, cities are full of roadways that are major roads that are not part of any state highway system and are not being properly marked or maintained as they usually fall under the responsibility of smaller cities, towns, townships, and counties.  These roads are typically minor arterial roads that carry heavy traffic, but for whatever reason were not deemed important enough to become part of a state highway system.  
 
In fact, state highway systems in urban areas are often archaic with roads typically following outmoded routes while many principal arterial roads remain local responsibility.  This has created a huge mismatch of priorities, and it shows that as a whole that state DOT's are not really equipped for urban areas and are failing them.  This is part of why urban counties tend to lead devolution efforts, because what works for a county with 10,000 residents does not really work for a county with 500,000 residents who is relying mostly on sales and property taxes to get roads built and maintained when the state is providing very little funding for that purpose.  The problem then is that these urban areas are not working together to solve transportation problems.  As a whole, most can operate like a state, but they are instead working as separate often competing parts with the state acting as a broker to get larger projects built and funded, but not much else.  State roads in urban areas are routinely maintained far worse, and as a whole they provide little benefit off of the interstates and principal arterial roads.
 
This is where regional road systems make much more sense than actual government consolidation.  Multiple counties and cities do not need to be merged into one entity to get those results, but they can ACT like one entity to improve efficiency, service delivery, and planning.  It should be understood that every local government usually has some historical reason to exist that they want to fiercely maintain.  In contrast, regional roads only transfer a function of government from the local level to regional level while otherwise retaining separate agencies for all other government duties.  Since this involves a partnership of many counties and municipalities on the same level, it is essentially dubbed "horizontal consolidation".  In essence, this creates a phantom jurisdiction that has no power beyond their specifically assigned duty which in this case would be to engineer, construct, and maintain roads under the direction of each partner jurisdiction.  While clearly a "special district", in this case the district is far larger than the jurisdictions within.  This jurisdictional non-status allows them to be fluid unlike a county or city so that they can adjust to serve the needs of the population in the most efficient manner.  In many ways it is similar to a congressional district except without the gerrymandering.  The regional road systems would also function much like a state DOT except for being assigned to a specific area including:
 
  1. State boundaries (a region can encompass an entire state, but it is not ideal in larger states unless the participation from counties and cities is too low to work in a smaller geographic area)
    • This is the default option in small geographic size or small population states where the state population is less than 2 million residents (Wyoming, Delaware, Vermont)
    • In states where participation is voluntary and only a statewide option will create the necessary population threshold
  2. Urban area boundaries (the metropolitan area and exurban counties surrounding a larger city with a minimum combined population of 1 million residents)
  3. State-defined geographic regions (the state is divided into regions with an average population of 1 million residents per region)
    • Regions are pegged to planning districts with adjacent districts combined to reach population thresholds if seperate populations are too low
    • Regions are roughly based around larger population centers distributed across the state.
  4. A hybrid model
    • It is offered statewide only to rural counties under a certain populaton (in this instance, participation likely cannot be voluntary)
    • Urban counties in larger population regions may only share services within that specific defined regions
    • These regions would have to be mandatory and defined by state law, which would be difficult to execute unless it involved a transfer from a state level such as in Virginia
POPULATION THRESHOLD

The goal of any regional road agency would be to have a population comparable to the lowest state population to provide state highway quality services and an approach to planning that acts more like a state government, but tailored to the needs of each region.  Each region should average 1 million residents with a bare minimum of 1/3 of that population in the smallest population region.  These thresholds are needed to allow maximum funding allocations from a state level and an adequate pool of resources from a local level to provide adequate funding, adequate structure, and adequate specialization with an engineer-driven approach.  With a high level of responsibility, they could more effectively handle all areas of road maintenance irrespective of the size or population of the jurisdictions within that zone, but they could also be given the ability to come up with more creative and attractive solutions to engineering problems than most state DOT's.  In fact, they would be officially a DOT known under different names such as the "Hampton Roads Regional DOT" or "Georgia Regional Roads Cooperative".  Note that this total includes the population of every agency involved, not just land area.  This means if counting a county, only unincorporated population can be calculated unless the cities or towns within that county are also members.  Thus, if a county has 200,000 residents, but three cities in the county totaling 50,000 opted out, the population is counted as 150,000.

As detailed above in the list, the four options for regional boundaries are
 
  1. Statewide (best option for initial system)
  2. Federal-Planning Regions (best option in case of broad participation as long as minimum population thresholds are met):
  3. Rural Statewide (requires a minimum threshold and a maximum threshold)
  4. Urban Regions (based on metropolitan area boundaries and used in conjunction with the rural statewise option).
Population threshold is ESSENTIAL to an effective region.  Low participation and low population is a deal breaker, and it must operate like a fund raising drive with a minimum population threshold met to even form.  At minimum, a combined region should be no less than 300,000 residents, and they should form organically.  At a statewide level, every county, city, and town should be contacted to gauge their interest and find out how many would be willing to participate and if the interest extends to areas of close proximity.  A statewide plan can still share costs and resources, but it will require some special steps if participation is less than 35%.  Statewide, at least a combined area of 1 million residents should participate for it to work.  In defined regions, participation may need to be at or near 100%, and adjacent regions combined if population is insufficient.  One million residents is still the minimum target, and best results will not be achieved without hitting that target.  If a region falls below 300,000, then they should be combined with another region until that number is hit.  For example, let's say the Blue Valley Region has 275,000 residents (and is not gaining population) and the adjacent Green Hills Region has 310,000 (the lowest of all bordering regions).  In that case, the Blue Valley and Green Hills regions would combine to form one agency with 585,000 residents.  Similarly, let's say that member counties and municipalities in both the Blue Valley and Green Hills Regions come out to a total population of 125,000 in one 105,000 in the other.  In this case, at least three regions would be needed to be combined to bring the populations to threshold, and that could require the dissolution of specific regions to a statewide level.  The likelihood that these agreements would operate in a swiss cheese like pattern is fairly high meaning that clusters may not be able to follow the boundaries of the planning regions if this is the case.  In a state like Wyoming, this very well means that one region may cover the entire state
 
SINGLE COUNTY REGIONS

While the idea is for multi-county regions, it does not exclude single county regions.  In some cases, a single county would form an initial region by merging the cities together with other cities and/or the county.  Single county regions would operate under one of two models:
 
  1. Very similar to the Lakewood Plan adopted by the City of Lakewood and Los Angeles County in the 1950's where, for instance, all townships in a county in Connecticut decided to form a county-wide road department.  
  2. The "punch through model" like in counties in New Jersey where counties are responsible for most arterial and collector roads inside the boundaries of cities and towns leaving cities and towns to maintain only local streets or specific roadways that they do not want the county to maintain such as the main street through a CBD.

Neither of these would provide the same benefits as a larger regional roads plan, but in very high population counties with few to no unincorporated areas left, this would allow counties the ability to pool resources to provide consistent planning and maintenance over the most important roads within the county that are not otherwise under state jurisdiction. 

Either way, the goal is to bring roads closer to the people than a state level but far enough away that resources are pooled to assure that proper standards are met, agencies are fully equipped and economies of scale can be fully achieved.  Instead of "sending money to the state capitol" they will be technically "sending money" to the largest city in the region or sending money to a cooperative agency whose purpose is to provide better maintenance, not cede all road planning authority.

HORIZONTAL CONSOLIDATION AND ADDITIONAL OPPORTUNITIES

Horizontal consolidation through regional cooperatives allows better access to resources and better access to state government.  The use of this method means the likelihood of a dedicated state funding source is more likely, better regional clout.  In the case of specific geographic regions, it also creates the opportunity to obtain valuable contracts with the state DOT to begin to provide state highway maintenance using forces from the region.  For example, a fictional planning region has the following:

  • The initial division consisted of 1 state DOT, 12 counties and 45 cities/towns all operating separately
  • 11 counties and 20 cities/towns join the cooperative with one county and 25 cities holding out initially
  • The cooperative requests per-mile state-aid payments for state-owned roads so that they can provide state road maintenance on behalf of the DOT meaning millions of dollars of state-aid steered to the local level thus what started out as 58 agencies is now down to 27
    • State employees are absorbed into the cooperative, but remain state employees until they quit or retire
  • Seeing the improvements in road quality and financial benefits of joining the cooperative, the remaining county joins the cooperative along with the other 25 cities and towns meaning 58 separate agencies doing the same thing have been reduced to one operating just in that region.
  • The region then petitions to divert state-aid into a dedicated fund for the region freeing the 57 partner local agencies from jointly financing operations of the agency allowing the region to return 100% of funding paid in from each local agency in roadway improvements to the partner local agencies
  • The regional also already benefits from state-aid payments reducing operational costs and helping the state to provide more frequent maintenance with less cost
  • The result is that both the state and all 57 local agencies are able to provide much better road maintenance than they were operating separately due to streamlined costs, more specialization, more professionalism and ultimately fewer employees needed to do the same job through attrition
  • Other regions are formed around the state, and as they evolve, the state begins creating a dedicated funding source for each region allowing the regions to take ownership of major local roadways creating a two-tiered system of regional highways and regional contract roads
SENSIBLE DEVOLUTION FOR THE STATE ALLOWS EVOLUTION FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENTS


The best part of regional road agencies are that state DOT's can more reasonably downsize their operations by transferring both responsibility and ownership to regional agencies, and oversight of regional agencies from a state level would be far easier than it currently is for individual counties and cities.  States with lopsided highway systems full of unnecessary state-owned roads based on mid-century politicals could be divested to regions without decline in road quality.  This means that states could far more easily justify downsizing their highway systems to the point that they only are responsible for interstates and major arterial roads.  Even US highways and some state-numbered routes could transfer to regional ownership if a separate regional-owned highway system is developed allowing highways to revert to their proper role of providing navigation along the shortest and best routes instead of posting route signage based solely on ownership.  

Since most state DOT's are eager to remove as many lower importance state routes as possible, this is a way to do so that actually works better for both parties.  Likewise, the states can also cut costs by combining maintenance responsibility for state roads with the regional agencies: a form of reverse contracting where the smaller agency handles duties for the larger state agency.  Regional boards could also be made up of a local elected officials from each jurisdiction to assure that funding and goals are met on both a regional and local level.  At present, states have been holding on to these larger state highway systems because it is generally accepted that counties and cities will not do nearly as good of a job as the state has in the past maintaining these roads, and as a result they have adopted a policy of very gradual devolution through mileage caps and horse trading.  This is a point of contention both on a local level and among dissenting state level politicians.  If the state needs to downsize, but the local agencies can't afford to up-size, then the happy medium is to place that responsibility with a much larger regional cooperative who can do everything the state can, and possibly better.

Regional road systems are a way to completely rethink the way roads are maintained vs. the old method of relying either on a larger state or a smaller local agency.  Many state DOT's have become overwhelmed as states have grown massively in population with larger cities dominating much of the state's transportation policy.  This places excessively high demands on a central agency that is far less flexible than what is needed to keep up with fast changing demands on their own system coupled with a high number of small jurisdictions all needing to be handled individually.  While authority for roadway financing and standards should still be steered by a state DOT, the role of the state DOT could certainly stand to change to a more administrative role and less as an agency solely responsible for all aspects of roads across a state.  Nonetheless, this is only possible if that role is transferred to regions large enough to handle that responsibility.  Clearly the current method is not working as states are reducing staff and cutting back on maintenance due to being increasingly strained financially as population, heavy loads, and lane mileage continues to increase while purchasing power diminishes.


CURRENT DEVOLUTION TRENDS LACK ACCOUNTABILITY

States at present are generally seeking to place more responsibility on a local level without either providing additional funding nor expecting any accountability from the local agencies that they entrust these roads to.  It is a large paradox to entrust increasingly heavy responsibility on local governments while giving them home rule when these local agencies actually need more assistance from the state to maintain their roads properly even if they are financially responsible for them.  The main reason the state wants to give up these roads is that they are unwilling or unable to finance any new construction on them or are struggling to budget routine surface maintenance.  It was previously considered that keeping engineering, traffic control, and routine maintenance on a state level while otherwise turning the roads to the local agencies might work, but that still presents problems with coordination and liability that the states want out of.  The only reason these local agencies need this help is because they are unable to staff their agencies in such a way to provide state-level maintenance and engineering standards making it nearly impossible for most local agencies to maintain their roads frequently enough nor comply sufficiently with state/federal standards.  This creates a co-dependent situation with sporadic assistance, and many major problems are routinely ignored with a "kick the can" mentality.  In fact, most states tend to own a very small ratio of the highway network, and very few maintain the majority of roads eligible for federal-aid.  This means that counties and cities remain on the hook for thousands of miles of roads in each state that are far too expensive to be their sole responsibility.  That might not matter if they were all dirt roads, but these are the products of mid-century federal-aid projects that left counties and cities with highway grade roads when they are not agencies structured to maintain highways.

In contrast, states that do maintain a majority of a state's roads are finding that the political will to create an adequate statewide funding source has not kept up with the demands to maintain such a road system.  Budget shortfalls, deferred maintenance, and predatory taxation through extreme fees are some of the ways that these states have been trying to bridge the gap, and this unfairly punishes citizens for the lack of political will in the state legislature to raise gas and sales taxes to adequate levels.  If they are wishing to push the levying of funds to a local level, that support is likely to be stronger when handing it to a regional collective vs. smaller counties and cities.  If another option was available aside from transferring more roads onto small local governments who are constrained on raising revenues and work within very tight budget margins then perhaps a balance could be achieved.  This is the only way that high engineering standards and efficiency can be retained similar to a state agency while subsequently relieving the states of added responsibility: especially in states that by and large have doubled and even tripled in population in less than half of a century.  Very large population states especially should really be exiting the road maintenance business as they are trying to manage a system with too many needs, policies that are too inflexible, and too many stakeholders.

REGIONALIZATION: OPTIONS FOR EACH REGION

Regionalization would create an interesting scenario with possibilities that are not one size fits all.  Unlike a state DOT, a region could set specific policies related to the needs of their own regions.  As previously mentioned, states could downsize their state system to backbone arterial highways while counties and municipalities could still be relieved of direct maintenance responsibility of roads ranging from main thoroughfares to entire road networks.

MORE THAN ONE APPROACH

Regional roads are best designed as a comprehensive system, but maybe the only way to get a myriad of local agencies to agree to such a plan is to only place that responsibility on certain roads keeping the most local streets local.  This means developing a regional primary "farm-to-market" network instead of requiring the transition of entire road systems to one agency.  The other option is covered in the Consolidated Traffic Operations Plan where only traffic control services are shared in the region.  The farm-to-market approach would be best as a hybrid of the two meaning full regional control on some roads and only traffic control on others that are otherwise maintained by the local authorities.  However, a farm-to-market approach is nowhere near as cost-efficient as a centralized approach, and it would only typically work in higher population areas.  In fact, the best way to roll out a regional road system is not to start with a farm-to-market system but to instead start with traffic control.  When it becomes clear that the merger of traffic operations has been extremely beneficial to all member agencies, they are more likely to consider transferring other road maintenance operations to the region.  The farm-to-market approach should generally be viewed as this: some counties or cities aren't willing to hand over all of their roads, but will transfer a few, so these holdouts will be given this privilege in order to provide ample financing to the system as a whole.

Issues such as this and other answers to questions are described in better detail in the post entitled Regional Roads: Answers to Questions and Customization for Local Needs

REGIONAL ROAD SYSTEM ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE

Regional roads do not necessarily have to be a completely separate ownership structure.  Unlike state-owned local roads, counties and cities should have far more authority in regards to major road projects, major road funding and encroachment on businesses and residences.  That is why a regional board would be needed to incorporate local government into the organization much like how a state DOT has a DOT board except that board members would be actively operating as county and city administrators within their own jurisdiction.  Since most states have around 25% of their roads on the federal-aid highway network and another 5% designated non-federal-aid collector, then regional responsibility would basically fill in the gap between the state and local level so that if the state owns 10% of the state's road network, the regional agency would at least own the remaining 20-25% of roads of higher functional classification that the state does not own.  However, it is best that the regional agency either be contracted to maintain or completely own all other roads in most counties and cities.  This means that separate city and county systems should be reserved only for either the most high population areas or areas where a regional system is defined within a single county boundary.  That threshold should be as follows:

Full regional responsibility for local road maintenance should be required in:

  • Counties with unincorporated populations of less than 50,000 residents
  • Cities/towns with populations less than 3,500 residents
  • Townships/boroughs with populations less than 25,000 residents

Partial local road maintenance, with only traffic control and/or certain local agency roads under regional jurisdiction, would be permitted in:

  • Counties with an unincorporated population not less than 50,000 residents but not more than 100,000 residents (unincorporated population excludes municipal population)
  • Cities/towns with a population of not less than 5,000 residents on a municipal level but not more than 10,000 residents 
  • Townships/boroughs with populations less than 50,000 residents

Beyond this, regional DOT's should have similar powers to state DOT's on how much responsibility they have for remaining non-federal-aid local roads with some guidelines in place.  Generally it is viewed that a low population county or city is not truly financially capable of providing adequate road maintenance so all roads within those jurisdictions should fall under direct responsibility of the regional DOT per the thresholds described above.  However, these other local roads would be best funded differently via the respective local agency essentially paying into the regional system as a means of being relieved of that responsibility with their own funds in order to avoid operating a separate street department.  The separate regions should also have to work within guidelines set by the state DOT meaning that regional standards should be in substantial compliance with state standards.  This is why the only places where it may not be beneficial to have regional DOT's operating non-federal aid roads are in wealthier or higher population cities and counties where the tax base is strong enough and population high enough that a local agency might be more effective.  However, if that local agency still does not meet the needs of the public, the public would have a right to demand the transfer of those roads over to a regional DOT.  This is why higher population areas are allowed to opt out.  Note that opting out is restricted in middle population counties, cities, towns and townships.

Another approach to regionalization is to use it as a means to combat population losses in rural areas.  By requiring that any county below a certain population must be combined with other counties, cities and towns into a regional unit until it reaches a population threshold, better established urban counties improve their existing structure while small rural counties can benefit from the better structure and cost benefits of tapping into much larger regions.  Clearly a county with 600,000 residents can sustain itself without joining a larger region, but a county with 12,000 residents is not financially independent enough to operate its own road system correctly or efficiently.

A TOP-DOWN OPTION WHEN VOLUNTARY UNIONS PROVE IMPOSSIBLE

Regional systems are designed as a horizontal approach instead of top-down approach meaning that if too many agencies are opting out, the system collapses.  Preferably, once the framework is in place, it should be difficult for agencies to opt out unless they have serious issues with the management structure.  Abuse of power is not unrealistic with any public agency, which is why local government tends to be getting more fragmented, not larger.  This is because regional agreements enacted on a local level are inherently unstable, lack a clear pattern to sharing of services, often have poor financial arrangements and do not involve sharing of services to a level high enough to provide any true benefits.  Regional parks, water districts and other regional services typically do not involve even the same unions for the same groups of jurisdictions.

The regional road systems are not like that.  A set region is formed, and all jurisdictions within that region are ideally restricted to those boundaries with exception to two or more whole regions joining forces.  Most regional agreements are about survival when a low population area completely lacks resources to provide a service independent of another approximate local agency.  With the set boundaries, an allowance is made for one of more agencies to opt out, but these same agencies may return if the issue is re-negotiating the contract to better benefit the local agency in question.  As long as the minimum population threshold is met, a county or city leaving would not destroy the whole system, but every effort should be made to make sure they return.  In addition, "gutting" the cooperative may be necessary in some cases where if full road maintenance does not work out, a transition to a farm-to-market method or limiting the joint function to only traffic operations may be a worthwhile consideration.

Overall, collectives organizing from a local level instead of from a state level are not ideal due to the unstable nature of such agreements except as part of a pilot project.  However, the need to design them in this manner is necessary to prove to state legislatures that something like this can work.  If they are successful, then the state legislature can take additional steps to solidify the unions of local agencies for the goal of having far fewer agencies directly maintaining roads.  The Steps to Creating a Regional Road System article includes two pilot projects as well as greater detail how to transition a nuclear county/city model into a regional system.  Regions as designed are intended to replace part or all county responsibility and at least part of the municipal responsibility for roads.  That can't be done if single counties and cities get angry over the details and choose to opt out or defund their portion of the consolidated road network.  Instead, a regional takeover of roads is to be done in lieu of using state forces, but this cannot be done unless these systems are fully established statewide.  In addition, the creation of a statewide cooperative will also be useful to protect the union of local agencies if a large number drop out.  For instance, if 50 out of 100 counties drop out, the remaining 50 counties will be less able to function as smaller regions and will need to operate statewide: especially if contracted counties are in a region with a higher dropout rate.

For this reason, regional systems should functionally be viewed as separate state agencies not amalgams of local governments where all matters have to be handled by going to each member agency.  Due to this, the state should in rare cases reserve the option to seize control of a region that fails on its duties.  This means if there is internal corruption, misuse of funding or extenuating circumstances that render a region unable to construct or maintain roads at the same levels as other regions that the state should reserve the right to take over a regional DOT for a set period of time.  At present there is no mechanism in place to assure that all counties are maintaining roads to the same levels system-wide in most states.  In these instances, the state will temporarily seize control of all roads in the region changing regional routes to state secondary and assuming authority for existing agreements with local agencies for remaining local roads until the end of the contract (assuming a 5-10 year contract).  However, the design of regions should dictate that such a seizure would almost never happen.  Unlike counties and cities, these agencies are larger, better funded and better able to do the job they are assigned than almost any local agency.

THE PROCESS OF REGIONALIZATION OF ROADS: PILOT PROJECTS

In some ways, pilot projects of regionalization have already been tested via city-county consolidation.  Through this process, it has been well-demonstrated that road maintenance standards almost always improved in the combined entity vs. the two agencies operating separately.  Nonetheless, this approach avoids the true test of whether this can work: the addition of neighboring counties.  Nowhere has an entire metropolitan area been consolidated into a "super-city", but on a specific service level this becomes possible.
Thus, pilot projects should always start with the following criteria and a population that preferably exceeds 150,000 of the combined pilot agencies:

1. At least two coterminous counties (unincorporated) and at least two cities/towns within those counties (if they exist)
2. At least four coterminous cities/towns/townships
3. At least four coterminous (unincorporated) counties
4. One county and at least three cities/towns within that county [note: works best if cities/towns combined make up close to half of county population]

These pilot projects, if successful, will determine if the agencies have enough repertoire to maintain this union and if they can combine with other agencies.  If necessary, pilot projects can be divided across an entire region testing every part of the region where, when completed, the successful ones will be combined and the unsuccessful ones will return to prior operations with the issue revisited after issues are addressed that caused the failure.

Note that a more detailed description of two pilot projects is described in The Steps to Create a Regional Road System.  Indeed, the regional strategy is best suited to be begun in this method, because it needs to be tested on a local level and perfected before it is rolled out on a larger regional or statewide level.  The strategies described both use the boundaries of a regional planning commission while starting with the development of a small urban area regional district.

In any of these pilot projects, it starts with engineers.  Essentially one engineer per 100,000 residents in a region is hired in the pilot to oversee roads not maintained by the state through a state or federal grant running 1-3 years meaning that a region with 300,000 residents would have three engineers with the first hired also a professional traffic operations engineer (PTOE).  The need for a traffic operations engineer is especially important to assist the local governments in unifying standards on traffic control, which vary wildly per agency.  The team would be assigned to see if a central authority can successfully be established over a number of county and municipal agencies within that pilot district with the task of streamlining operations, securing funding sources, identifying important routes and establishing regional standards.  Each region selected is based on the federal regional planning districts (NOT MSA's), and a federal program should be developed that provides funding to test regional road system strategies.

During the pilot project, no actual reorganization would take place aside from prior reorganization proposed, and counties and cities would continue to operate their own agencies except that they would be under the supervision of regional engineers throughout the duration of the pilot project.  New positions would be temporary in nature with actual job titles retained.  In other words, each employee would assume a role to test the efficacy of a new organization.  Representatives from the state DOT and local agencies would continue to work together with the engineers to assess what worked best and how the process could be improved.  Preferably every state interested in the pilot project should have one test region funded per state, and federal funds could help to boost this process if the federal government was involved.  However, multiple regions could apply to the pilot program based on a majority vote of all affected counties in a region competing for the chance to participate.

Pilot projects could also test a farm-to-market strategy where instead of combining departments, the entire planning region gets the state and/or local governments to set aside funding to test maintenance of a new system of regional routes.  This means that primary collectors and arterials in each region would transfer from the county/municipal level to the regional level for the duration of the project.  The strategy would be used to determine if maintenance levels improved, costs were managed or reduced and to see if it would have a negative effect on the local agencies to transfer a portion of their responsibility to a regional entity.  The farm-to-market approach, despite the agrarian name, should ONLY be tested in a high population metropolitan area.

Once the framework is in place and the pilot project is deemed successful, the entire regional entity would be officially formed.  Instead of existing as a test project, local agencies, equipment and facilities would all be combined under the management of the new regional entity.  If the farm-to-market approach is employed, the special district engineers would sign an agreement with the state and counties to formally take control of all collector and arterial roadways not otherwise owned by the state.  These new roads would be assigned new route numbers based on a statewide plan with the state also working to transfer roads to the regional system that are of lesser importance provided that the regional plan is adopted statewide.  If the new regional entity encompasses entire agencies, the new regional agency would then begin the process of phasing out individual county and municipal street departments in all member agencies.  If local agencies are phased out, then all local employees should be automatically transferred to the staff of the regional DOT with attrition put in place to help the new agency adjust its employment levels over time.  Likewise, the state DOT, all involved counties/cities and the state legislature would have to agree to a funding method and funding formula tested during the pilot project to provide all regional agencies meaning that a dedicated portion of state highway funds or local funds would have to provided to each region annually based on mileage and population.

FUNDING OF A REGIONAL ROAD SYSTEM USING A SAMPLE STATE

Looking at a sample state, the road system funding would need to be changed.  Sample state has 100,000 miles of roads on their total road system and 15,000 miles under state control.  Imagine that the state runs on a budget of $2 billion annually with 85% going to the state to maintain 15,000 miles of roads and 15% going to the counties and cities in addition to $1 billion annually going directly to counties through local gas taxes and sales taxes.  In the regional plan, it would be assumed that the ratio would change.  The state would transfer 5,000 miles of roads to the regions retaining 10,000 miles of roads.  The regions would also receive $12,000 per mile for routine maintenance of state-owned roads.  Thus the budget looks like this:

  • Under the existing budget, $300 million goes to local governments and $1.7 billion is reserved by the state
  • The proposed budget would transfer an additional $120 million to the regions for state highway maintenance
  • An additional $300 million will be required for regional control of an additional 25,000 miles of roads formerly owned by counties, cities and towns
  • This means that the funding ratio would change so that 69% of $2 billion is reserved by the state for state highway construction and administration, 21% is transferred to the regional agencies and 10% is reserved for counties and cities
  • If the sample state chooses NOT to use regional forces to maintain state roads, then the ratio would be 75% for state highway construction and maintenance, 15% for regional agencies and 10% reserved for counties and cities
  • It should be noted that the 10% reserved for counties and cities would include a retainer by the regions for regional maintenance of county roads and city streets in agencies that do not have their own forces
  • In the $1 billion annually going directly to counties and cities, at least 25% would be split off and given directly to regional agencies with the remaining funding going to the local level.  This would fund major construction projects on regional roads

GOVERNANCE OF REGIONAL ROAD AGENCIES

The setup should be somewhat similar to a state DOT, but accountability needs to be brought into consideration.  Preferably a commission system should be adapted meaning these would be called "regional road commissions".  The organization consists of three main parts: a regional board consisting of at least one representative from each county and each city with a population of at least 10,000 residents, an engineering division and a regional roads commissioner.  This means if three counties and 15 cities are in a region with 4 of those over 10,000 residents then the board is made up of 7 members.  The second part will involve the engineering division.  The engineering division will have primary decision-making authority in regards to day-to-day operations and will consist of at least 3 full-time civil engineers meaning one engineer for every 100,000 residents although as many can be hired as budgets allow.  The chief engineer should not only be a civil engineer, but also a PTOE.  The engineering division will also have supervisory authority over all employees in each region.  Lastly will be the regional roads commissioner.  This could be either an appointed position from the existing board or an at-large elected position with a term limit of 4-6 years.  If term limits are not used, then the position should be appointed to avoid lifelong commissioners and too much politicization of regional road agencies.  The regional roads commissioner would serve as a liaison between the public and the highway agency allowing greater public input directly into the agency instead of indirectly through county and municipal leaders.

PRIVATIZATION OPTIONS

Much interest has been sparked in recent years on bringing the private sector into the road maintenance process.  This would be much easier in a regional system than on a county or city level.  Perhaps not every aspect should be privatized, but many duties such as engineering services, traffic control, safety projects, construction work, special equipment needs and other duties could be handled by private firms and contractors.  Unlike in a county or city where a private firm or contractor can usually only be hired on a consultant basis, a private firm could work full-time for a region providing services for the region under annual contracts.  This would be ideal during the transitional process and could be continued on a case-by-case basis once the system is established.

NEEDED STATEWIDE REGULATION OF REGIONAL ROAD SYSTEMS

The following rules should apply to all regional road networks and should be codified in state law:
  1. Regional road districts must be laid out based on regional planning commissions with boundaries of each region restricted the boundaries of the regional planning commission.  They are NOT laid out based on MSA's (correction from the previous version).  
  2. Agreements to join the cooperative are done on a 5-10 year basis meaning that at the end of the term the local agency has the option to leave, change the terms or renew.
  3. Pilot projects during formation of the system do not have to be laid out based on regional planning commissions to allow for suitable partnerships to form based on need rather than geography.
  4. Regional road districts must have a combined population of at least 300,000 residents to operate independent of other regions.
  5. If the combined population is below 300,000 residents, the region must combine with an adjoining region.  The adjoining region should have the lowest population of all adjoining regions.  Up to three regions may be combined as a means to bring population to the acceptable threshold.
  6. State DOT's may contract all state road maintenance in a region to a regional DOT, but ownership of the entire state road network may not be transferred to a regional DOT. 
  7. A region with 1,000,000 or more residents will have broader powers including the ability to maintain not only surface state routes, but also interstates and freeways/expressways on behalf of the state DOT.
  8. Farm-to-market regional systems should preferably be limited only to regions with 1,000,000 or more residents although they may be considered in any region.
  9. State DOT's reserve the right to temporarily take over a region that is negligent in their duties.  They may contract this responsibility to a private firm during the duration of the seizure.  The takeover may only last 3-5 years.
  10. Sparsely populated states where setting up regions would only result in two or less regional systems should instead pursue the creation of a separate state agency to handle local roads in lieu of responsibility falling under the state DOT directly.  
    • E.G. a state like Wyoming with a population of less than 750,000 would organize roads under a statewide county highway commission that would consolidate, engineer, manage and supervise county road and city street departments into a single unit independent of the state DOT.
    • Statewide county highway agencies would most likely follow the model where engineering oversight is handled by the state agency with some limited maintenance activities (such as maintenance of traffic control devices and shared equipment) but otherwise counties and cities would operate independently.  This is due to the geographical issues.  
  11. Counties whose unincorporated populations are less than 50,000 residents must contract all road maintenance to the region; counties whose unincorporated populations are greater than 50,000 residents are permitted to maintain their own roads, but should have traffic control supervised by a regional traffic control cooperative.
  12. Townships and their borough subdivisions whose populations are less than 25,000 residents must contract all road maintenance to the region; when over 25,000 residents they are permitted to maintain their own streets, but should have traffic control supervised by a regional traffic control cooperative.
  13. Cities/towns whose populations are less than 5,000 residents must contract all road maintenance to the region; when over 5,000 residents they are permitted to maintain their own streets, but should have traffic control supervised by a regional traffic control cooperative.
  14. In the farm-to-market plan, regional DOT's should collectively have direct ownership of at least 15% of the state's road network.  This means that state responsibility for roads may only exceed 15% if regional agencies are otherwise responsible for all other roads that would normally be maintained by counties.
  15. Combined state and regional ownership of roads in the farm-to-market plan should be 30-40% of the total state mileage.
  16. Regional DOT's may take ownership of all county roads if state law specifies as such, but they may not take over ownership of municipal roads.
REGIONAL HIGHWAYS

Discussed throughout this plan are the backbone regional routes.  The regional routes as a whole would form what would otherwise be a state secondary system (with state-owned roads forming the primary routes).  Regional routes are not a county road system, and with the way the plan is designed should have its own form of highway markings.  While a county route marker could be used, the fact is that using one would be misleading and incorrect.  Preferably regional highways should be laid out with two types of road markers.  A regional primary marker indicating highway-type collector and arterial roads and a regional secondary marker for other local roads contracted to the regional agency.  Including the regional name might be problematic thus why a design without one is also shown.  The images below show some possible designs for such markers.  In the second marker, the text "REGIONAL ROAD" may be replaced with the name of the region if text fits.  "FULTON" refers to the county name.


Some suggested markers above.  The first marker is clearly an adaptation of the county route sign with a change to white to denote a higher status than county.  The second marker combines the type of road with the name of the county the road is in denoting a split responsibility for those roads.  It also is designed to be easily visible although less important than state highways.  The blue color is designed to make the entire sign more visible at night.  The secondary signs are for county and municipal roadways that are contracted to the region.  The second "2907" marker includes the alphabetic county number under the route number and includes the pentagon shape to denote primary county ownership.  Either or blue and white or black and white may be used.  


Continue to Part 3 - OPTIONS FOR EACH REGIONAL ROAD PLAN See Part 3 >>>>
Return to Part 1 - REGIONAL ROADS: WHY REGIONAL ROADS? See Part 1 >>>>

Regional Roads: Why Regional Roads? (Part 1)

Devolution nationwide continues to gain steam as the political environment favors increased local control.  Almost no state has added any new highway mileage in decades, cities and towns are taking roads from counties, and the number of local governments continues to increase creating less and less accountability for how roads are maintained.  The purported benefits of this are debatable, but the reality is that placing more and more authority for roads on a high number of small counties, cities and towns amounts to being a very popular bad idea.  It creates a bigger structural problem to solve a smaller cost problem, which is that states lack the resources with current tax rates to manage larger state road systems.  

All states and most territories have at least some locally maintained roads.  Just because they are common does not mean they really work all that well.  It is common knowledge that local governments are just not going to produce the same results as the state does in terms of standards and frequency of maintenance, and the real reason that states hand off roads to counties is that they want them to be responsible for the cost of construction, including minor resurfacing.  That doesn't mean that they are also prepared to take on technical operations like traffic engineering nor do they have the resources to perform traffic studies or maintain roadway safety features as often as the state.  They do not have the economies of scale, and a small jurisdiction cannot justify an expensive cost for equipment, materials, and storage for larger roadway operations making them inefficient by default.  Unfortunately, increasing local control in terms of service delivery has very mixed results with no real alternative being offered at present.  It should be noted that there are success stories are rare and usually in the case of:

  • Wealthier cities breaking off of very high population counties (usually with a population of around 25,000-45,000)
  • Very large population, mostly consolidated counties regaining control of their own roads
  • Consolidated city-counties (popular primarily in the South)
  • Counties and larger cities who contract with the state to maintain state routes 


In these examples, note the following: the wealthier cities have a large tax base for a small geographic area and are depriving the larger region the economies of scale and better standards.  They also still have the issue of having "the foxes guarding the henhouse" in that oversight is low to non-existent.  As to large population counties with broad powers, these are relatively rare.  Most high population counties are carved up into numerous cities and towns that cut into their landlocked tax base, and counties like Los Angeles County where the county provides road maintenance on behalf of most cities are also uncommon.  Counties as large as states that can act as states in this manner.  Less than 50 counties in the entire nation have populations exceeding a million residents, and of those the amount that have the purchasing power and responsibility of states can be counted on one hand.  Fairfax County in Virginia doesn't even operate a county road system relying on VDOT for maintenance although they assist heavily in planning and funding construction projects.  Consolidated city-counties, while they do provide better efficiency and lower costs, are still just a larger city and still have many of the same problems of larger cities.  Because of their status, they are unlikely to contract with neighboring jurisdictions in the suburbs due to the fear that those jurisdictions might be annexed into the city.  While Davidson County, merged with Nashville, has very high standards for its roads, those benefits do not stretch to neighboring counties or municipalities in greater Nashville.  They stop cold at the county line in every direction.  Other consolidated city-counties are not as effective, and their populations/tax bases are far below Nashville.

Noting these exceptions, it is still important to point out that counties, townships and municipalities by their very nature almost always both duplicate services and raise basic costs.  The only way they avoid this is by cutting corners.  The easiest way to cut corners is by maintaining roads below regulation, deferring maintenance on anything deemed "non-essential", avoiding any traffic studies on their roads that might increase liability, and not having any engineers hired as either staff or consultants to oversee their roads.  This is unethical, but in many states it is legal.  This way, nobody can be held accountable for shoddy workmanship or substandard roadway conditions since technically no engineering was involved.  Wealthier jurisdictions ultimately cannot avoid liability and do begin to move away from this practice, but not always!  This is amplified not only because the state operates a separate system within the same county but also when other counties and cities are in close proximity spreading the available tax base very thin.  

It is important to note that counties cannot grow to assume more responsibility to enhance their tax base nor services.  While cities can grow, it is not often that a city is capable of growing large enough to provide even county-level services.  The average city or town usually has a population of between 1,000 and 5,000 residents, so the comparison to a major city such as New York, Atlanta or Dallas would be disingenuous.  What if this barrier was removed for cities, counties and townships to provide certain services?  What if these geographically constricted cities, counties and towns could turn to their neighbors and start shaking hands to combine resources in such a way to provide higher standard, more cost-efficient and better maintained roads than they currently can within the confines of their geography while still maintaining their local autonomy?  The regional roads plan is how that can be done.


Moreover, it is not at all beneficial when the responsibility for roads transfers from the state to a low population county, city or town: especially when state-level financing must be divided across a very large number of jurisdictions.  The stated benefits of local control are simply not realized when a technocratic state agency reverts that responsibility to a large number of small political entities with the funding pie too small to assure that the purchasing power, financial flexibility or technical expertise is in place to provide an equivalent service to what the state is otherwise able to provide.  LTAP (Local Technical Assistance Program) is also not working, because it provides no actual supervision, does not guarantee access to engineering services, and it is not raising the standards high enough under the current structure nor promoting uniformity across all jurisdictions.  More oversight is needed.  If the state is not going to relieve counties and small municipalities of what they are unable to do well, another way is needed.

A NEED TO UPDATE THE NORTH CAROLINA PLAN


First, it should be noted that state populations and their subsequent road networks are significantly larger than they used to be.  When the Brookings Institute proposed consolidating entire county road networks under state control in the 1930's, the nation's public highway system was still in its infancy and the US population was far lower.  There were very few multi-lane highways, most roads were still unpaved, numerous bridges and road segments were private toll roads, and state highway systems nationwide were not even a decade old.  North Carolina was the first state to adopt this plan.  While the North Carolina plan has been successful, the system has not been free of problems.  The reality is that the states that embraced the North Carolina plan have either abandoned it (such as Maryland) or are struggling to balance modern transportation demands with the maintenance and improvement of smaller local roads (such as Virginia).  Inter-regional conflicts for road funding further endanger such systems with accusations that the entire road network in one region is being cheated out of road funding in favor of another in lieu of a few major routes.  State DOT's are frustrated that they have to maintain local roads when it means less money to cover large-scale construction projects.  Today, only four states fully adopted the North Carolina plan and only 20% of states have adopted a system that fully relieves counties and low population municipalities of maintenance of federal-aid eligible roadways.  With shrinking federal-aid, high inflation, state governments leery of raising taxes, and rising construction costs, every one of these larger state road systems are just one election away from a sudden move to dump all of these roads back onto local governments.  What the local agencies need is a counter proposal and backup plan if they don't want to end up like 80% of states with a huge responsibility for both streets and highways without the resources to maintain them right.

On top of that, two of the four states that have adopted this special state-controlled county road system either partially or in whole have seen a huge increase in population from when the systems were established.  North Carolina had 3 million residents in 1931.  Today that population is approaching 11 million.  Virginia, who established the similar Byrd Road Act in 1932, had a population of 2.5 million when the system was created.  Today, that population has exploded to 8.7 million.  However, despite both states having more than tripled in population, that population tends to be clustered in a few major metropolitan areas.  Rural areas in both states have been growing slowly or losing population in favor of these larger metropolitan areas thus leaving these counties, cities and towns increasingly strapped for funds.  This means that rural areas need to be looking beyond their boundaries to create efficiency, offer a full scope of services, and provide high quality public roads.  Even urban areas by and large are likewise being very constrained by balancing local needs with the needs of the entire state: especially when metropolitan counties are carved up into many smaller municipalities.  

The paradox of the urban areas is that the push for self-governance increases with the population, so the economies of scale needed for good roads often do not materialize.  The Virginia and North Carolina systems also excluded larger cities meaning that cities that actually do need the benefits of centralization are unable to join the secondary road system.  Obviously, the state does not want to be responsible for 100% of the roads, but let's not forget that in both systems the state both owns and maintains these roads in contrast with Puerto Rico where the territory maintains 100% of the roads but only actually owns around a quarter of that meaning that they rely on local funding for other roads that they simply expand state-level services onto.  That division between jurisdiction and maintenance is an essential component of a regional roads plan where consolidated efforts do not require ownership or a shift in funding to a whole other level of government.

It is also no surprise that the North Carolina plan states are also increasingly upset by the lack of funding and action on a state level for their congested, outmoded roads.  It should be pointed out, however, that one of the four North Carolina Plan states is not having the difficulties that Virginia and North Carolina are having.  Delaware, one of the smallest states in the nation, is made up of only three counties.  Functioning on a compact level, Delaware has been able to maintain tremendous efficiency by keeping state control of both major roads and county roads partly because it is still close enough to the center of government to be manageable.  With no competing regions or large swaths of rural area far from the state capital, it is probably the most successful example of the North Carolina plan.  It obviously helps that the entire state of Delaware is in effect one region.  The only difference between Delaware's road system and a regional system is that the DelDOT maintains both highways and county roads vs. a regional system where the three counties would operate a statewide joint operation separate from DelDOT that could include contracting with cities and towns but would not include highways.


States like Virginia have become financially and structurally overwhelmed with the costs of maintaining local roads under a single state agency.  Perhaps dividing that responsibility into regions will help restore the efficiency that Virginia's unique road system was designed to do.

Local control advocates in their defense of devolution cite examples of larger population jurisdictions that do a good job while ignoring the fact that the majority of local governments are very low in population and are never going to measure up.  It is disingenuous to compare Nashville-Davidson County in Tennessee to a rural county in the state like Bledsoe.  It is apples and oranges.  With a population of over 700,000 residents, the agency functions like a state within a state as it should while Bledsoe with less than 15,000 residents is never going to see the results of Nashville unless the county grows by almost 5000% and it is consolidated with its only city, Pikeville.  Naturally, this is something that is not likely to happen anytime soon, if ever, even though it is a growing county.  Even though statewide funding is more than adequate overall, the 95 counties that make up Tennessee are far too numerous to provide the quality and consistency that residents of Nashville-Davidson County enjoy.  What if the benefits that Nashville-Davidson enjoys were expanded into the entire metropolitan region of Nashville or beyond?


A sharp decline in road quality is observed here as Ridge Road in Nashville-Davidson County crosses into Cheatham County.  Cheatham County has a population of under 40,000 compared to Davidson's 600,000.  However, both are part of the Nashville MPO (Google Street View image).

Local control advocates will go further to state that this is simply an urban-rural divide where it should just be accepted that rural areas have less money and that things will improve as the population catches up, but how much population does it take?  A county with 11,000 resident is not likely to bloom into a county with 100,000 residents any time soon, and that is usually the threshold necessary for a county to be effective at creating a road maintenance that is capable of meeting professional engineering standards unless such a county is able to normalize its costs through contracting with a state or other outside jurisdictions.  Major road safety deficiencies can also be found on the local roads in much higher population counties such as those surrounding Nashville as is demonstrated by the photo above.  Regardless, Tennessee DOT is not interested in assuming local responsibility for roads even if the counties and cities paid them for the privilege.  In fact, local agencies being able to voluntarily pay state agencies to provide routine maintenance services on locally-owned roads and streets has rarely ever been successful.  The few times such programs were enacted they were typically short-lived.  It was always a good idea, but the states themselves saw no benefit in stretching their resources to cover lower classification roads, and they were able to successfully convince people that "too many roads" was a bad thing as if those roads were just garbage that could all just be thrown in a dumpster.  In terms of how some local agencies have kept them up over the years, they essentially did become garbage.

Instead of waiting for perfect circumstances, action needs to be taken.  Public safety should not be jeopardized with local accountability suppressed just to divide road responsibility based on an inefficient and archaic government structure laid out in the days of horse and buggy.  The conditions present in the 1930's with smaller local governments that led to the North Carolina Plan are still present today, but the increase in population has made it a major factor in fewer areas than the 1930's or even the 1980's.  Nevertheless, weak accountability and local political whims continue to make locally-maintained roads a sketchy proposition.  What has changed since the 1930's the most, however, are the increasingly powerful metropolitan areas competing with rural areas far from those cities for transportation funding while the revenue sources on a state level continue to decline.  While these issues might justify more local control, that does not mean that local control should necessarily shift all the way to a county or municipal level.  Instead, this suggests that a state's local road responsibility should be divided into regions that rest above a county level but below a state level as a means of tackling transportation issues related to smaller areas that couple nearby rural areas with approximate larger urban areas.  Nashville doesn't need to worry about Memphis, but they should be there to help their neighboring counties and cities in greater Nashville have access to the resources that they currently enjoy.

LOCAL GOVERNMENTS ARE TOO SMALL FOR A BIG RESPONSIBILITY

Another issue is the structure of counties: primary those east of the Mississippi River.  Rural county roads in many Western states typically have much higher road standards despite a sparser population due to the presence of a small number of very large counties.  In observing these large counties, it is clear that road funding distribution from the state is at far higher levels with far greater efficiency even in counties that have a very low population.  In other words, if the state has $250 million a year to spend on local services, that $250 million would stretch much further in a state with 40 counties than the same state with 100 counties.  If each county got the same amount, 40 counties would get $6.25 million a year to cover all basic services while the same county in a state with 100 counties would receive $2.5 million.  Guess which one is more likely to spend some of that money to hire professional staff and develop a traffic operations unit?

The example above shows how a county with 2,000 residents in Washington State or California is in far better shape than the same in Georgia, Texas, or Tennessee.  Especially important is that professional engineering standards are more consistently followed when a state has far fewer local jurisdictions fighting for a piece of the pie simply because the state can more easily finance state-aid funds for local engineering programs as was shown.  If the state personally financed one traffic engineer and one PTOE at $200,000 a piece, the cost for the state with 40 counties would be $8 million while the same in the state with 100 counties would be $20,000,000.  Needless to say, the state with more counties is less likely to finance something like that. The result is that it is much more possible for counties to establish a proper organizational structure when state funding on the local level is not spread thin over a very large number of jurisdictions.  It is clear that these same goals are not being met in all but a handful of states east of the Mississippi River because state-local cooperation is weaker, average rural county populations are lower, and fragmentation of government is much higher.  In other words, you do not necessarily need the state to take over county roads and municipal streets to bring local roads to proper levels, but the best results come when a state has fewer political subdivisions covering much larger areas with equivalently larger populations and tax bases.  Merging counties and cities is unlikely, but doing this on a specific-service level is possible.

Consider the eastern vs. western states.  Tennessee and Virginia both have 95 counties.  In comparison, Oregon has only 36 counties and Washington State has only 39 counties despite both being much larger in land area than either Tennessee or Virginia.  Oregon has 98,000 square miles and Washington State has 71,000 square miles.  In comparison, Virginia has 43,000 square miles and Tennessee has 42,000 square miles.  In other words, both Virginia and Tennessee have 60% more counties while both states are at least 40% smaller.  While these smaller counties may provide some benefits over large geographic areas, they do not provide an efficient means of assuring that the locally-owned transportation networks are well maintained.  It is simply too fragmented to provide the funding or oversight necessary.  This is what drove the Mid-Atlantic states, including Virginia, to pursue a top-down approach to local road maintenance in the first place.  However, the deeper history, culture, and political dominance of these counties is undeniable requiring that an alternative approach must be considered.  If the state does not want or is unable to handle the responsibility in Tennessee unlike Virginia and the counties are not able to do an acceptable job, then is there an alternative?  Yes, in fact, there is.


Compare this road in Jefferson County, WA to the previous road shown in Cheatham County, TN.  Jefferson County has a population just under 30,000 residents compared to the nearly 40,000 in Cheatham County yet Oak Bay Road, a county road, is maintained to equivalent levels of state highways in Tennessee.  The main difference is that Jefferson County is one of 39 counties in lieu of 95 counties in Tennessee.  (Photo from Google Street View)

WESTERN COUNTIES vs. EASTERN COUNTIES: A LITMUS TEST FOR REGIONALIZATION


Comparing states that generally lack major engineering issues along roads maintained by local governments and those that have them typically, a pattern emerged.  That pattern is that both the land area per county and population per county needs to be above a certain threshold to provide an adequate level of service per county.  The other observed factors that could affect local road quality include 

  1. A very high level of devolution where ratios of local control exceed 90% (such as in Iowa) with a focus on farm-to-market roads.
  2. States where there is less competition for funding between urban and rural areas (such as an Iowa and Montana).
  3. States with fewer counties (Arizona) and/or more stringent controls on municipal formation and annexation (Maryland/Virginia).
  4. Counties that are contracted to maintain state-owned roads (such as in Wisconsin, Florida, and Michigan)
  5. Service exchanges where the state provides technical services in exchange for non-technical services from local governments (Pennsylvania and Wisconsin)
  6. States where county responsibility is limited to only regionally important roads due to the presence of townships (such as in New Jersey and New York)
  7. Lastly, a greater percentage of state funding is directed more to a local level.

It should also be noted that townships present a complicated issue.  In states that allow townships to contract with counties, better results are noted vs. states who have separate township road systems AND states with counties who do not have townships.  Townships oddly provide protection to counties against city encroachment as counties are not competing with municipalities, and counties operate on a different level in that they maintain roads and streets within cities and towns.  In contrast, counties in states that do not have townships must transfer jurisdiction to the city or town when a city/town is formed or annexes land unless the county has a formal agreement with the city to provide all road maintenance on behalf of the city.  Those agreements are rare outside of very small population municipalities.  Perhaps county roads would be better in those states if state law allowed counties to "punch through" cities on roadways deemed to be of regional importance allowing cities and towns only to maintain minor streets.

Nevertheless, good results with this strategy have primarily been consistently noticed in only a few Midwestern states and are not reliable enough to be an acceptable variable.  It should also be noted that not all state DOT's are well-run and have numerous problems that affect road quality and do not promote a good roads culture: especially in very high population states with aging infrastructure such as California.  It should also be pointed out that in those Midwestern states (Iowa, Minnesota and Wisconsin specifically) that the state is a strong partner to counties, which has much to do with a certain political culture within the state.  This is why neither these Midwestern states nor states with township road systems are being used as examples when factoring in average county size and population.  The factors shown here relate primarily to states that lack such a culture with local governments that work largely independent of each other.  In other words, an environment that fosters good roads requires not only greater economies of scale, but also a good roads culture.  North Carolina is an example of where a good roads culture has helped promote better standards across the board along with state control of county roads.

Land area and population in relation to the number of local jurisdictions are both major factors in local road quality.  The importance of land area is that the presence of fewer jurisdictions mean that larger overall funding is available for each jurisdiction even if the jurisdiction has an otherwise very low population.  Similarly a higher population threshold is needed to create a coordinated effort among local agencies statewide to adopt higher standards by removing financial limitations as an excuse for both inaction and lack of intergovernmental cooperation.  Having these factors in place also makes it easier for a state to retrofit a local jurisdiction to handle its own needs such as financing a county engineer.  While it is no guarantee of best results, both the land area should exceed 1,500 square miles and average unincorporated county population should exceed 100,000 with the average population preferably exceeding 200,000 residents to be able to achieve even adequate engineering standards and economies of scale.  This is the only way that costs can be kept down while standards can remain sufficiently high.  Looking at 12 states in the West and Southeast shown in the charts below, only four exceeded the land area threshold and only two exceeded the 200,000 average population threshold.  Four states fell below the necessary 100,000 per county threshold and three had a land area under 500 square miles.  Clearly those states with the lowest numbers respectively have the most problems running an effective highway agency below a state level.


The charts above show the land area per counties and population per counties.  This is important to demonstrate that having fewer counties as well as higher populations within those counties are necessary for achieving efficient operation and higher engineering standards.  Obviously not all counties meet this population threshold, but it helps to have a higher average population and land area to achieve better funding distribution and a higher population per county assures that more counties have adequate resources to properly maintain roads.  As you can see Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, Virginia and Colorado rank lowest on population per counties and, except Virginia, similarly have trouble adequately managing a local roads program.  Georgia, Virginia and Tennessee also have the lowest land area per counties making management of local programs without state help difficult.

The classic remedy to this problem is local government consolidation.  However, the political realities are that a top down mandate to consolidate many counties into far fewer counties and municipalities has been very unpopular and has had almost no cases of happening since the 1930's.  The public may support consolidating some services, but the situation turns nasty when you start talking merging of police, fire and school districts into some mega-county while erasing local identities.  The idea of completely eliminating even one county usually requires a financial crisis sufficient that a county is forced to consolidate with another, but federal-aid programs to impoverished counties since the depression have mostly prevented this.  What makes financial sense does not make political sense, but the current system is broken.  With little incentive to change that system, the only other option besides the state level is to create a new functional layer of government that exists below the state level but higher than the county or municipal level.  In other words, local maintenance of roads based on county and municipal boundaries should be replaced with a regional structure that creates a "state within a state".  In part 2, the details and structure of a "Regional Road System" will be discussed.

Continue to Part 2 - REGIONAL ROADS: HOW THE SYSTEM WORKS See Part 2 >>>>
Continue to Part 3 - REGIONAL ROADS: EXAMPLES OF POTENTIAL REGIONAL ROAD CONCEPTS See Part 3 >>>>